Thaksin Shinawatra

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Thaksin Shinawatra

Thaksin Shinawatra ทักษิณ ชินวัตร
Image:Thaksin.jpg <small/>
32nd Prime Minister of Thailand
In office 9 February 2001 – 19 September 2006
Preceded by	Chuan Leekpai
Succeeded by	Surayud Chulanont

Born	July 26, 1949 San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai
Political party	Thai Rak Thai (formerly)<ref>"Deposed Thai PM quits party role", CNN, October 3, 2006.</ref>
Spouse	Potjaman Shinawatra
Religion	Buddhism

Thaksin Shinawatra (help·info) (Thai: ทักษิณ ชินวัตร, IPA: [tʰáksǐn tɕʰinnawát]; born July 26, 1949 in Chiang Mai, Thailand with family roots in Meizhou, Guangdong, China), Thai businessman and politician, is the deposed Prime Minister of Thailand and the former leader of the populist Thai Rak Thai party. He is married to Potjaman Shinawatra, and has one son, Panthongtae and two daughters.

Thaksin started his career in the Thai Police, and later became a successful entrepreneur, establishing Shin Corporation and Advanced Info Service, the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand. He became one of the richest people in Thailand. Thaksin entered politics by joining the Phalang Dharma Party in 1994, and later founded the Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party in 1998. After a landslide election victory in 2001, at the time called the most open corruption-free election in Thai history, he became Prime Minister of Thailand.

Thaksin's distinctive economic, public health, education, energy, drug, and international relations policies made him the first elected Prime Minister in Thai history to complete his term in office, and helped him win a landslide re-election in 2005. Thaksin's policies were particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty (poverty fell by half in 5 years) and at increasing access to affordable healthcare. His main support base has been the rural poor. Under his government, Thailand's standing on major indices of corruption improved substantially.<ref>The World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, November 2005</ref><ref>Protesters Jam Bangkok, but Rural Thais Love the Leader. The New York Times, 6 March 2006</ref><ref>Formation of a Single-Party Government (February 6, 2006).</ref>

However, his government has been frequently challenged with allegations of corruption, dictatorship, demagogy, treason, conflicts of interest, human rights offences, acting undiplomatically, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards a free press. A controversial leader, he has also been the target of allegations of lèse-majesté, selling assets to international investors, religious desecration, and siding with the forces of darkness.<ref>The Star, Dreaded day dawns – despite lies and dark forces, 2 April 2006</ref><ref>The Nation, Vandal's dad distraught, 23 March 2006</ref>

On 19 September 2006, a military junta overthrew his government in a bloodless coup while he was in New York City. The junta warned him several times against returning to Thailand. His political future is uncertain.

1 Family background
2 Early life
3 Police career
4 Business career
5 Entry into politics
6 Prime Minister of Thailand
7 Political crisis of 2005-2006
- 7.1 Target of accusations by Sondhi Limthongkul
- 7.2 Sale of Shin Corporation
8 Anti-Thaksin and pro-Thaksin rallies
- 8.1 Background
- 8.2 Anti-Thaksin protestors call for royal intervention
9 House dissolution and the April 2006 Legislative Election
- 9.1 House dissolution
- 9.2 Election results
  - 9.2.1 By-elections
  - 9.2.2 Invalidation of the April elections
10 After the April 2006 election
- 10.1 Thaksin proposes reconciliatory panel
- 10.2 Break from politics
11 "Finland Plan" controversy and the "charismatic individual"
12 August 2006 car bomb
13 September 2006 Coup
14 Aftermath of the coup
15 Miscellaneous
16 See also
17 Notes
18 External links

[edit] Family background

Thaksin's great-grandfather Seng Sae Khu (邱）was a Hakka Chinese immigrant from Meizhou, Guangdong who arrived in Siam in the 1860s and settled in Chiang Mai in 1908. His eldest son, Chiang Sae Khu, was born in Chanthaburi in 1890 and married a Thai woman, called Saeng Somna. Chiang's eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra ("does good routinely") in 1938 because of the country's anti-Chinese movement and the rest of the family also adopted it.

Thaksin's father, Lert, was born in Chiang Mai in 1919 and married Yindi Ramingwong. In 1968, Lert Shinawatra entered politics and became an MP for Chiang Mai and deputy leader of the now-defunct Liberal party. Lert Shinawatra quit politics in 1976.<ref>On the Road to Politics. Dr.Thaksin Shinawatra’s official website (2000). Retrieved on September 19, 2006.</ref>

Thaksin's great-grandfather Seng Sae Khu made his fortune through tax farming. The Khu/Shinawatra later founded Shinawatra Silks and then by moving into finance, construction and property development. Lert Shinawatra opened a coffee shop, grew oranges and flowers in Chiang Mai's San Kamphaeng district, and opened two movie theatres, a gas station, and a car and motorcycle dealership. By the time Thaksin was born, the Shinawatra family was one of the richest and most influential families in Chiang Mai.

[edit] Early life

Thaksin was born in San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai. As a young boy, Thaksin helped his father brew and serve coffee. Thaksin grew up in the village of Sankamphaeng until he was 15, after which he moved to Chiang Mai city to study at Montfort College. At 16, he helped run one of his father's cinemas.<ref>BBC News, Billionaire hopes to score Liverpool deal, 18 May 2004</ref>

[edit] Police career

Thaksin attended the 10th class of the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School.<ref>Bangkok Post, Thaksin's classmates close ranks behind him on his 57th birthday, 27 July 2006</ref> He then attended the Thai Police Cadet Academy and upon graduation, he joined the Royal Thai Police Department in 1973. He later went on to obtain a master's degree in criminal justice from Eastern Kentucky University in the United States, in 1975. In 1978 he received a doctorate in criminal justice at Sam Houston State University in Texas with a dissertation on "An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Criminal Justice Educational Process and the Attitude of the Student Toward the Rule of Law."<ref>ProQuest-Dissertation Database</ref> Returning to Thailand, he reached the position of Deputy Superintendent of the Policy and Planning Sub-division, General Staff Division, Metropolitan Police Bureau. He married Potjaman Damapong, the daughter of a police general, in 1980.<ref>Pasuk Phongpaichit & Chris Baker, "The Only Good Populist is a Rich Populist: Thaksin Shinawatra and Thailand's Democracy, October 2002</ref> Thaksin quit the police force in 1987, having ascended to the rank of a Lieutenant-Colonel.

[edit] Business career

Thaksin and his wife ventured into several businesses while Thaksin was still in the police force. These included opening a silk shop, opening a movie theatre, and developing an apartment building. All of these ventures were failures, and left him over 50 million Baht in debt. He established ICSI in 1982, which leased computers to government agencies and was a modest success. However, later ventures in security systems (SOS) and public bus radio services (Bus Sound) were failures.<ref name="TranscriptInterview">Transcript of an interview between Thaksin Shinawatra and Cheeptham Khamwisit (Thai: ชีพธรรม คำวิเศษณ์) on the Thaiventure.com program on FM 102 radio station</ref><ref>Personal background from personal website</ref> In April 1986, he founded Advanced Info Service (AIS), which started off as a computer rental business.<ref>Google Cache of a JobTopGun profile of AIS's corporate milestones</ref>

In 1987, after resigning from the police force, he marketed a Thai romance drama called "Baan Sai Thong",<ref>"Thaksin Shinawatra-a biography", Bangkok Post, unknown.</ref> which became a popular success in theaters.<ref>"Thai govt pins border hopes on soaps", The Nation, May 25, 2002.</ref> In 1988 he joined with Pacific Telesis to operate and market the PacLink pager service, which was a modest success, although Thaksin later sold out his stake in PacLink to establish his own paging company.<ref name="TranscriptInterview" /><ref>[1]</ref> In 1989 Thaksin launched IBC, a cable television company, which lost money and was later acquired by the CP Group's UTV.<ref name="TranscriptInterview" /><ref>UBC 2004 Annual Report, page 8</ref> In 1989, Thaksin established a data networking service, Shinawatra DataCom, which was a failure.<ref name="TranscriptInterview" /> It is today known as Advanced Data Network, and is owned by AIS and the TOT.<ref>List of subsidiaries from the AIS website</ref>

In October 1990, Advanced Info Service launched analog mobile phone services after receiving a concession from the Telephone Organization of Thailand. AIS was listed on the Stock Exchange of Thailand in November 1991. AIS became the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand.

The Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group was founded in 1987 and listed in the Stock Exchange of Thailand in 1990.

In 1990, Thaksin founded Shinawatra Satellite, which has developed and operated a total of four Thaicom satellites.

In 2000, Thaksin acquired the ailing iTV television station from the Crown Property Bureau, Nation Multimedia Group, and Siam Commercial Bank.<ref>[2]</ref><ref>[3]</ref>

[edit] Entry into politics

[edit] Political debut as Foreign Minister in the first Chuan government

Thaksin entered politics in late 1994 under the invitation of Chamlong Srimuang, who had just reclaimed the position of Palang Dharma Party (PDP) leader from Boonchu Rojanastien. In a subsequent purge of PDP Cabinet ministers, Thaksin was appointed Foreign Minister in December 1994 as a non-MP minister.<ref>[4]</ref>

The PDP soon withdrew from the government over the Sor Por Kor 4-01 land reform corruption scandal, causing the government of Chuan Leekpai to collapse.

[edit] PDP leader and Deputy Prime Minister in the Banharn government

Chamlong, strongly criticized for mishandling internal PDP politics in the last days of the Chuan-government, retired from politics and hand-picked Thaksin as new PDP leader. Thaksin ran for election for the first time in July 1995, winning a parliamentary seat from Bangkok. However, the weakened and internally divided PDP won only 23 seats, compared to 46 in the 1992 elections.

Thaksin joined the government of Banharn Silpa-acha and was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Bangkok traffic. In May 1996, Thaksin and 4 other PDP ministers quit the Banharn Cabinet (while retaining their MP seats) to protest widespread allegations of corruption, prompting a Cabinet reshuffle. Many have claimed that Thaksin's move was designed to help give Chamlong Srimuang a boost in the June 1996 Bangkok Governor elections, which Chamlong returned from retirement to contest.<ref>[5]</ref> Chamlong lost the election - he and incumbent Governor former PDP-member Krisda Arunwongse na Ayudhya were defeated by Pichit Rattakul, an independent.

Chamlong's failure to buttress the PDP's failing power base in Bangkok amplified internal divisions in the PDP, particularly between Chamlong's "temple" faction and Thaksin's faction. Soon afterwards, Chamlong announced he was retiring again from politics.

Thaksin and the PDP pulled out of the Banharn-government in August 1996. In a subsequent no-confidence debate, the PDP gave evidence against the Banharn government. Soon afterwards, Banharn dissolved Parliament in September 1996.

[edit] Fall of the PDP

Thaksin announced that he would not run in the subsequent November 1996 elections, but would remain as leader of the PDP. He claimed that he wanted to devote his energies to campaigning for political reform and supporting other PDP candidates. Some speculated that Thaksin wanted to resign from the party leadership. The PDP suffered a fatal defeat in the elections, winning only 1 seat in Parliament. The PDP soon imploded, with most members resigning. However, the PDP is still in existence, with a different leadership and an insignificant presence in the political sphere.

Although there was much controversy about the root causes of the fall of the PDP, most agree that it was due to internal divisions in the party. Particularly divisive were conflicts between the Chamlong "temple" faction and subsequent generations of outsiders, including Thaksin.

[edit] Deputy Prime Minister in the Chavalit government

On 15 August 1997, Thaksin was invited to become Deputy Prime Minister in Chavalit Yongchaiyudh's government. This occurred soon after the Thai Baht was floated and devalued in 2 July 1997, sparking the Asian Financial Crisis. Thaksin held this position for only 3 months, leaving on November 14 after Chavalit resigned.

During an unsuccessful censure debate on 27 September 1997, Democrat Suthep Thaugsuban accused Thaksin of profiting on insider information about the government's decision to float the Baht.<ref>[6]</ref> However, this accusation was not investigated during the subsequent Democrat or TRT governments<ref>Pasuk Phongpaichit & Chris Baker, Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand (Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 2004), pp. 57-59.</ref> During 1997, Thaksin's flagship company AIS suffered 1.8 billion THB in foreign exchange losses and saw its debt more than double due to the devaluation. However, critics have alleged that Thaksin's businesses suffered much less from the devaluation than rival companies.<ref>Pasuk & Baker (2004), p. 58.</ref>

[edit] Formation of the Thai Rak Thai Party and the 2001 elections

Thaksin founded the Thai Rak Thai ("Thais Love Thais" - TRT) party in 1998 along with Somkid Jatusripitak, PDP ally Sudarat Keyuraphan, Purachai Piumsombun,<ref>[7]</ref> and 19 others.

With a populist platform often attributed to Somkid, TRT promised universal access to healthcare, a 3-year debt moratorium for farmers, and 1 million THB locally-managed development funds for all Thai villages.

After Prime Minister Chuan dissolved parliament in November 2000, TRT won a sweeping victory in the January 2001 elections, the first election held under the People's Constitution of 1997. It was called the most open, corruption-free election in Thai history.<ref>Robert B. Albritton and Thawilwadee Bureekul, Developing Democracy under a New Constitution in Thailand, National Taiwan University and Academia Sinica Asian Barometer Project Office Working Paper Series No. 28, 2004</ref> Thai Rak Thai won parliamentary 248 seats (more than any other party previously) and needed only 3 more seats to form a government. Nonetheless, Thaksin opted for a broad coalition with the Chart Thai Party (41 seats) and the New Aspiration Party (36 seats), while absorbing the smaller Seritham Party (14 seats).<ref>Aurel Croissant and Jörn Dosch, Old Wine in New Bottlenecks? Elections in Thailand under the 1997 Constitution. Leeds East Asia Papers no. 63 (Leeds: University of Leeds, 2001), page 16</ref>

[edit] Prime Minister of Thailand

As Prime Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra initiated many distinctive policies affecting the economy, public health, education, energy, drugs, and international relations. He gained two landslide re-election victories.<ref>[8]</ref> Thaksin's policies have been particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty<ref>The World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, November 2005</ref> and at providing affordable health coverage to the people. Because of this, his main support base has been the rural poor.<ref>Protesters Jam Bangkok, but Rural Thais Love the Leader. The New York Times, 6 March 2006</ref>

His Cabinet was packed with academics, former student leaders, and former leaders of the Phalang Dharma party, including Prommin Lertsuridej, Chaturon Chaisang, Prapat Panyachatraksa, Surapong Suebwonglee, Somkid Jatusripitak, Surakiart Sathirathai, and Sudarat Keyuraphan.

However, his government has been frequently challenged with allegations of dictatorship, demagogy, corruption, conflicts of interest, human rights offences, acting undiplomatically, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards a free press. A controversial leader, he has also been the target of numerous allegations of lèse-majesté, treason, usurping religious and royal authority, selling assets to international investors, religious desecration, and siding with the forces of darkness.<ref>The Star, Dreaded day dawns – despite lies and dark forces, 2 April 2006</ref><ref>The Nation, Vandal's dad distraught, 23 March 2006</ref>

[edit] Economic policies

see also: Policies of the Thaksin government#Economic and health policies and Thaksinomics.

Thaksin's government had designed its policies to appeal to the impoverished majority, initiating programs like village-managed microcredit development funds, low-interest agricultural loans, infrastructure development, and the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) rural small and medium enterprise development program.

Together called Thaksinomics, many feel that these policies were responsible for bringing about Thailand's economic recovery from the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis and substantially reducing rural poverty. The GDP grew from THB 4.9 trillion to THB 7.1 trillion. Thailand repayed its debts to the International Monetary Fund 2 years ahead of schedule. Between 2000 and 2004, income in the poorest part of the country, the Northeast, rose 40 per cent while nation-wide poverty fell from 21.3 per cent to 11.3 per cent.<ref>The World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, November 2005</ref> The Stock Exchange of Thailand outperformed other markets in the region. After facing fiscal deficits in 2001 and 2002, Thaksin balanced the national budget, producing comfortable fiscal surpluses for 2003 to 2005. Despite a massive program of infrastructure investments, balanced budgets were projected for 2006 and 2007.<ref>Asian Development Bank, Asian Development Outlook 2006: Thailand</ref> Public sector debt fell from 57% of GDP in 2001 to 41% in September 2006.<ref>The Nation, Public debt end-Sept falls to 41.28% of GDP, 17 November 2006</ref><ref>World Bank, Thailand Economic Monitor, October 2003</ref>

Critics claim that Thaksinomics is little more than a Keynesian-style economic stimulus policy re-branded as something new and revolutionary. Economists from the Thailand Development Research Institute argue that other factors, such as a revival in export demand, were the primary cause behind the economy's recovery.<ref>TDRI ECONOMISTS: Thaksinomics 'not a driver of growth' - Wichit Chaitrong, The Nation, March 30, 2006</ref> Others claimed that the policies got the rural poor "hooked on Thaksin's hand-outs."<ref>The Nation, Forget the apologies, let the PM rebuild democracy, 5 October 2006</ref> Critics also pointed out that Thaksin's OTOP program, which encouraged rural entrepreneurialism, was not aligned with King Bhumibol Adulyadej's advocacy for a rural self-sufficient economy.<ref>Colum Murphy, "A Tug of War for Thailand’s Soul", Far Eastern Economic Review, September 2006</ref> Thaksin's supporters have countered that no other democratically-elected Prime Minister has reduced poverty by as much as Thaksin.

Thaksin helped bring Thailand's massive underground lottery system into the legal fold by operating a successful numbers game (Thai: หวย) run by the Government Lottery Office. Lottery sales of approx. 70 billion THB (2 billion USD) are used for social projects, including the "One District, One Scholarship" program which provided one student from a low-income family in each district with a scholarship to study overseas. Soon after Thaksin was deposed, the junta appointed Permanent Secretary for Justice asked the appointed government to abolish the jackpot for the numbers game lottery (i.e., the 2 and 3-digit lottery). The Permanent Secretary claimed the jackpot was a social vice, luring the poor to become addicted to gambling, instead of working. The government later banned the lottery.<ref>The Nation, Ministry suspends lottery sales, 18 November 2006</ref><ref>"Studying Abroad: Students find Germany challenging", The Nation, July 20, 2005.</ref><ref>"Thaksin to visit students when he is unemployed", July 17, 2006.</ref><ref>[9]</ref><ref>[10]</ref><ref>The Nation, Justice permanent secretary to seek abolition of jackpot price of Govt lottery, 5 October 2006</ref>

The Thaksin government reduced the state's control of the media by privatizing MCOT, a large television and radio broadcaster.<ref>The Nation, Activists call for MCOT delisting, 24 November 2006</ref>

[edit] Healthcare policies

Thaksin initiated two key healthcare policies: subsidized universal health care and low-cost universal access to anti-retroviral HIV medication (ARVs). Thaksin's 30-baht/visit universal healthcare program won the applause of the general public, but was criticized by many doctors and officials.<ref>"Dual-track system", Bangkok Post, Unknown.</ref><ref>"Bt30 health scheme still lacks funds, says official", The Nation, July 14, 2006.</ref> Prior to the program's introduction, a large portion of the population had no health insurance and limited access to healthcare. The program helped increase access to healthcare from 76% of the population to 96% of the population.<ref>"Thaksin lauds his own achievements", Bangkok Post, Unknown.</ref> The program also increased workloads for healthcare employees, and caused many doctors to switch to higher paying careers. It has been criticized for being underfunded. The program led some hospitals to seek alternative sources of income, leading to a boom in the medical tourism industry, with 1.3 million foreign patients earning Thailand 33 billion THB (approx. 800 million USD) in 2005.<ref>[11]</ref><ref>[12]</ref>

Junta-appointed Public Health Minister Mongkol Na Songkhla called the 30-baht program a "marketing gimmick" and claimed that the government would "very soon" stop charging patients any fees for visits to state hospitals.<ref>The Nation, Bt30 health fee may be scrapped, 14 October 2006</ref>

During the Thaksin government, the number of people living with HIV/AIDS as well as the overall prevalence rate noticeably declined.<ref>[13]</ref> Although successful in expanding access to HIV medication, there have been concerns that a free trade agreement with the US could endanger Thailand's ability to produce generic HIV treatments.<ref>Public Health at Risk: A US Free Trade Agreement could threaten access to medicines in Thailand. The Oxford Committee for Famine Relief (Oxfam).</ref>

[edit] Anti-drug policies

See also: Policies of the Thaksin government#Anti-drug policies

Thaksin initiated several highly controversial policies to counter a boom in the Thai drug market, particularly in methamphetamines. After earlier anti-drug policies like border blocking (most methamphetamines are produced in Myanmar), public education, sports, and promoting peer pressure against drug use proved ineffective, Thaksin launched a multi-pronged suppression campaign that aimed to eradicate methamphetamine use in 3 months. The policy consisted of changing the punishment policy for drug addicts, setting provincial arrest and seizure targets, awarding government officials for achieving targets, targeting dealers, and "ruthless" implementation.

Over the next seven weeks, press reports indicate that more than 2,700 people were killed<ref>The War on Drugs, HIV/AIDS, and Violations of Human Rights in Thailand. Human Rights Watch.</ref> . The Government claimed that only around 50 of the deaths were at the hands of the police. Human rights critics say a large number were extrajudicially executed.<ref>Thailand: Grave Developments - Killings and Other Abuses. Amnesty International: Thailand.</ref> The government went out of its way to publicize the campaign, through daily announcements of arrest, seizure, and death statistics.

King Bhumibol, in his 2003 birthday speech, supported the approach, although he did request the commander of the police to categorize the deaths between those killed by police and those killed by fellow drug dealers.<ref>(Thai) Royal Jubilee Network, 2003 Birthday Speech of King Bhumibol Adulyadej</ref> Interpretations of his speech differ. A Bangkok university poll conducted in February 2003 revealed 92% of respondents backed the approach. The same survey did show, however, that seven out of 10 people feared being shot by police themselves.<ref>"Thai drugs war attacked", BBC, February 24, 2003.</ref>

The policy was effective in reducing drug consumption, especially in schools, at least in the short term. According to the Office of the Narcotics Control Board, there was no indication that the drug situation worsened from 2002 onwards.<ref>[14]</ref> But a 2005 Abac University opinion poll found that 62% percent believed that drug abuse had increased from 2004 to 2005 and that 68% did not trust the government to solve the drug problem.<ref>[15]</ref>

[edit] Reducing corruption

Despite repeated allegations of corruption, the Thaksin government reportedly improved Thailand's ability to control corruption. A 2006 World Bank study from 2002-2005 found that Thailand's regulatory quality and ability to control corruption improved twice as much as it had during the 1996-2002 period.<ref>"World Bank, Governance Matters, 2006: Worldwide Governance Indicators report", cited by Bangkok Post, Thailand slipping on World Bank score table, 18 September 2006</ref>

Transparency International reported that Thailand's reputation for transparency among business executives improved during the years of the Thaksin government. In 2001, Thailand's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) was 3.2, whereas in 2005, the CPI was 3.8.<ref>Thai Public Relations Department, Thailand’s Image on Transparency, 26 October 2004</ref><ref>Transparency International TI 2005 Corruption Perceptions Index</ref><ref>Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2001</ref>

[edit] Education policies

See also: Policies of the Thaksin government#Education policies

Thaksin implemented a series of educational reforms during his government. Chief among those reforms was school decentralization, as mandated by the 1997 People's Constitution.<ref>Thaksin Government 2001 Policy Statement, Section 11.1</ref> Decentralization would have delegated school management from the over-centralized and bureaucratized Ministry of Education to Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs). The plan met with massive widespread opposition from Thailand's 700,000 teachers, who would be deprived of their status as civil servants.<ref>[16]</ref> There was also widespread fear from teachers that TAOs lack the skills and capabilities required to manage schools. In the face of massive teacher protests and several threats of school closure, Thaksin compromised and gave teachers whose schools were transferred to TAO management two years to transfer to other schools.<ref>[17]</ref>

Other reforms included learning reform and related curricular decentralization, mostly through greater use of holistic education and less use of rote learning.<ref>Thai News Agency, Rote learning to be eliminated from schools, says PM, 21 January 2006</ref>

To increase access to universities for lower income people, Thaksin initiated the Student Loan Fund (SLF) and Income Contingency Loan (ICL) programs. The ICL granted loans regardless of financial status, and required recipients to start repayments when their salaries reach 16,000 Baht a month, with an interest rate equivalent to inflation from the day the loan was granted. The SLF had an eligibility limit on family income but carried interest of 1%, starting one year after graduation. The programs were merged and the income limit modified after Thaksin's government was overthrown.<ref>The Nation, New student loan scheme to have higher family-income limit, 13 November 2006</ref>

Thaksin also initiated the controversial "One District, One Dream School" project, aimed at developing the quality of schools to ensure that every district has at least one high-quality school. The project was criticized, with some claiming that the only beneficiaries were Thaksin and companies selling computers and educational equipment. Many schools also fell deeply into debt in implementing the project, receiving less than adequate financial support from the central government.<ref>"Suicide puts spotlight on model schools’ money woes", The Nation, September 15, 2005.</ref><ref>"THAI TALK: Nightmares haunt dream-school project", The Nation, October 13, 2005.</ref>

In addition, Thaksin altered government state university entrance system. Whereas the former system relied exclusively on a series of nationally standardized exams, Thaksin pushed for a greater emphasis on senior high-school grades, claiming this would focus students on classroom learning rather than private entrance exam tutoring.

Thaksin initiated the Income Contingency Loan program to increase access to higher education. Under the program, needy students may secure a loan to support their studies from vocational to university levels. Thai banks had traditionally not given education loans. Thaksin made Thailand one of the first supporters of Nicholas Negroponte's One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) project, with the Thai Ministry of Education committing to purchase 600,000 units.<ref>The Nation, "CROSSING THE DIGITAL DIVIDE: Sipa hopes for equal access for all children nationwide", 15 August 2005</ref>

[edit] Energy policies

See also:Policies of the Thaksin government#Energy policies and Energy Industry Liberalization and Privatization (Thailand)

In energy policy, the Thaksin government continued the Chuan Leekpai government's privatization agenda, but with important changes. Whereas the Chuan government's post-Asian financial crisis policies sought economic efficiency through industry fragmentation and wholesale power pool competition,<ref>Far Eastern Economic Review, "Power Politics Trump Reform", 27 September 2001</ref> Thaksin's policies aimed to create national champions that could reliably support economic growth and become important players in regional energy markets.<ref>Post, "Raising sector efficiency `crucial': Utility's B140bn debt strains public purse"</ref> Elements of the Thaksin energy liberalization policy included:

Privatization of the state-owned oil and gas company PTT
Attempted privatization of the integrated state-owned electricity company EGAT, without separating the generating and transmission businesses
Attempted establishment of an independent regulating agency (traditionally, EGAT had been both an operator and a regulator)

Thaksin also initiated a policy process to encourage renewable energy and energy conservation.

[edit] South Thailand insurgency

See also: South Thailand insurgency

A resurgence in violence began in 2001 in the three southern provinces of Thailand. There is much controversy about the causes of this escalation of the decades long insurgency. Attacks after 2001 concentrated on police, the military, and schools, but civilians have also been targets. Thaksin has been widely criticized for his management of the situation, in particular the storming of the Krue Se Mosque, the deaths of civilians at Tak Bai, and the unsolved kidnapping of Muslim-lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit.<ref>[18]</ref> In July 2005, Thaksin enacted an Emergency Decree to manage the three troubled provinces. Several human rights organizations expressed their concerns that the decree might be used to violate civil liberties.<ref>Emergency Decree Violates Thai Constitution and Laws. Human Rights Watch (August 4, 2005).</ref> However, the emergency decree was overwhelmingly popular with both Bangkokians and people in the three southern provinces.<ref>[19]</ref>

In March 2005, Thaksin established the National Reconciliation Commission, chaired by former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun to oversee efforts to bring peace to the troubled South. In its final report released in June 2006, the commission proposed introducing Islamic law and making Pattani-Malay (Yawi) an official language in the region. The Thaksin administration assigned a government committee to study the report, while Muslims urged the government to act faster in implementing the proposals.<ref>"Government shrugs off NRC final report", The Nation, June 7, 2006.</ref> On the other hand, some elements of the proposals soon met with much criticism. The President of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's Privy Council, Prem Tinsulanonda, stated "We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai. We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language".<ref>"Prem disagrees with proposed use of Malay as official language", The Nation, June 25, 2006.</ref>

[edit] Administrative reform

[edit] Ministerial restructuring

One of the most visible of Thaksin's administrative reforms was the restructuring of government department and ministries, labeled the "big bang." It was hailed as a "historic breakthrough" and "the first major reorganization of ministries since King Chulalongkorn set up Thailand’s modern system of departmental government in 1897." Such a restructuring had been studied for years as a means of undermining the perceived rigidities and inertia of the old system, but was never implemented until the Thaksin government.

The restructuring was designed to streamline the bureaucracy and focus it on performance and results. New ministries were carved out in Social and Human Security Development, Tourism and Sports, Natural Resources and Environment, Information and Communication Technology, and Culture. The restructuring caused an unprecedented re-shuffling of senior bureaucrats and underwent intense scrutiny in parliamentary committees.

[edit] CEO-governors

Thaksin transformed the role of provincial governors from ceremonial supervisors of ministry officials to active managers of government policy. Historically, central government ministries operated in the provinces through field offices headed by senior officials, who reported back to Bangkok. The Ministry of Interior appointed provincial governors whose role was largely ceremonial.

A key component of Thaksin's administrative reform policy, "CEO-governors" epitomized Thaksin's "transformation of the operating style of the traditional bureaucracy into a more results-oriented instrument that would be responsive." Piloted in 2001 and introduced in all provinces in October 2003, CEO-governors were put in charge of planning and coordinating provincial development and became accountable for overall provincial affairs. The "CEO governors" were assisted by "provincial CFOs" from the Ministry of Finance who reported directly to each governor. The CEO-Governors were authorized to raise funds by issuing bonds and were given an intensive training course. CEO-governors no longer passively signed off state funds to local bodies, but also coordinated their use and ensured that they met explicitly-set performance agreements.<ref>Managerial Reform and Political Control: the Case of Thaksin and the Thai Bureaucracy. Department of Public and Social Administration, City University of Hong Kong.</ref><ref>CEO governors mini-premiers, says PM: Can issue bonds, use management methods. Kellogg School of Management (August 17, 2003).</ref>

[edit] Foreign policies

Thaksin was fiercely attacked for tasking diplomats with supporting domestic economic programs, e.g., promoting OTOP products. Surapong Jayanama, former ambassador to Vietnam claiming that Thaksin's policies were "demeaning" and would do little to enhance Thailand's international stature.<ref>"Ex-envoy castigates Thaksin's diplomacy:Foreign policy for domestic consumption 'was demeaning'", The Nation, March 19, 2006.</ref>

Thaksin also initiated negotiations for several free trade agreements with China, Australia, Bahrain, India, and the US. This policy was also criticized, with claims that high-cost Thai industries could be wiped out.<ref>[20]</ref>

Thailand joined George W. Bush's multinational coalition in the invasion of Iraq, sending a 423-strong humanitarian contingent. It withdrew its troops on 10 September 2004. Two Thai soldiers died in Iraq in an insurgent attack.

Thaksin has also announced that Thailand would forsake foreign aid, and work with donor countries to assist in the development of neighbors in the Greater Mekong Sub-region.<ref>Thaksin's Chance for Leading Role in the Region. Straits Times (March 10, 2004).</ref>

Thaksin has also been attacked by influential former diplomats for acting undiplomatically with foreign leaders. Kasit Pirom, former Thai ambassador to Japan and the United States, noted at an anti-Thaksin rally "When Khun Thaksin went to the United Nations to attend a joint UN-Asean session, he did not behave properly when addressing the session, which was co-chaired by the UN secretary-general and the Malaysian premier. In his address Thaksin did not mention the name of the Malaysian premier".<ref>"Ex-envoys tell of 'multi-tasking' premier", The Nation, March 17, 2006.</ref>

Thaksin has also been attacked for his support of Deputy Prime Minister Surakiart Sathirathai's campaign to become UN Secretary General.<ref>"Ex-envoys slam foreign policy", The Nation, March 16, 2006.</ref><ref>"Ex-envoy slam foreign policy", The Nation, March 16, 2006.</ref><ref>"French leader’s visit time to reconsider Surakiart’s UN bid", The Nation, February 17, 2006.</ref><ref>Eye on UNESCAP. United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (February 17, 2006).</ref>

[edit] 2005 re-election

Under the slogans "Four Years of Repair — Four years of Reconstruction" and "Building Opportunities", Thaksin and the TRT won landslide victories in the February 2005 elections, sweeping 374 out of 500 seats in Parliament. The election had the highest voter turnout in Thai history.<ref>"Unprecedented 72% turnout for latest poll", The Nation, February 10, 2005.</ref><ref name="QuoVadis">Aurel Croissant and Daniel J. Pojar, Jr., Quo Vadis Thailand? Thai Politics after the 2005 Parliamentary Election, Strategic Insights, Volume IV, Issue 6 (June 2005)</ref> Political scientist Pongsudhirak Thitinan noted that there was a decrease of vote-buying in the 2005 election.<ref>Pongsudhirak Thitinan, "Victory places Thaksin at crossroads," Bangkok Post, February 9, 2005</ref>

[edit] Other criticisms

There have also been complaints that Thaksin appointed relatives to senior positions in the civil service and independent commissions, for example by elevating his cousin, General Chaiyasit Shinawatra, to Army commander-in-chief. In August 2002, he was promoted from Deputy Commander of the Armed Forces Development Command to become Deputy Army Chief. Both General Chaiyasit and Defense Minister General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh denied charges of nepotism at the time. General Chaiyasit replaced General Somthad Attanan as Army commander-in-chief.<ref>"WATCHDOG: In Chaiyasit, PM’s power base more solid than ever", The Nation, August 31, 2003.</ref> However, General Chaiyasit was replaced by General Prawit Wongsuwan in August 2004, after only a year in office. His replacement was in response to an escalation of violence in southern Thailand. Prawit was succeeded by Sonthi Boonyaratglin in 2005.<ref>"Military Re-shuffle: Chaisit out, Prawit ascends", The Nation, August 24, 2004.</ref><ref>Army Commanders of Thailand. Royal Thai Army.</ref>

Thaksin was also accused of interference after the Senate appointed Wisut Montriwat (former Deputy Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Finance) to the position of Auditor General, replacing Jaruvan Maintaka. The Constitutional Court has earlier found Jaruvan's nomination illegal and unconstitutional;<ref>Thai Rak Thai party no better than a 'prison', vows to fight abuse of sovereign power. Alliance for Reform and Democracy in Asia (ARDA).</ref> however, she refused to acknowledge her ouster without a direct order from the King. Her refusal was highly controversial and sparked a public debate into the role of the King in Thai politics. The Constitutional Court, Senate and State Audit Commission are technically independent and non-partisan bodies.

Respected former Thai ambassador to the UN Asda Jayanama, in an anti-Thaksin rally, claimed that Thaksin's two state visits to India were made in order to negotiate a satellite deal for Thaksin's family-owned Shin Corporation. The accusation was countered by Foreign Minister Kantathi Suphamongkhon.<ref>"Kantathi slams diplomats for accusations", The Nation, March 18, 2006.</ref>

Thaksin's government has been accused of exerting political influence in its crackdown on unlicensed community radio stations.<ref>"Community-radio crackdown panned", The Nation, June 1, 2005.</ref>

Some members of Thaksin's government were accused of corruption in the Corruption in the Suvarnabhumi Airport project. However, no accusations were made at Thaksin, and to-date, no Thai government, police, or Auditor-General investigation has shown any corruption in the project.

Thaksin has also been accused of being superstitious. His supporters have countered that he is in fact jestful.<ref>The Nation, Press still in limbo; TRT MPs are now silenced too, 22 November 2006</ref>

Thaksin often faced harsh comparisons. Social critic Prawase Wasi compared him to AIDS, Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda compared him to Hitler, Democrat spokesman Ong-art Klampaibul compared him to Saddam Hussein, The Nation compared him to Pol Pot.<ref>The Nation, Thailand has its 'Hitlers', 5 October 2006</ref><ref>Matichon, รุกเปิดเจ้าของ"แอมเพิลริช" จี้"แม้ว"ตอบ ยุแก้ลำเลิกใช้มือถือ"เอไอเอส", 30 January 2006</ref><ref>The Nation, Real war has just begun, 16 February 2006</ref>

[edit] Political crisis of 2005-2006

See also: Thailand political crisis 2005-2006

[edit] Target of accusations by Sondhi Limthongkul

The political crisis was catalyzed by several accusations published by media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin supporter. These included accusations that Thaksin:

Committed lèse-majesté against the King
Usurped the Royal powers of the King (see Temple of the Emerald Buddha incident)
Restricted press freedom by suing Sondhi after Sondhi printed a sermon by a controversial monk (see Luang Ta Maha Bua incident)
Masterminded the desecration of the Erawan shrine (see Phra Phrom Erawan Shrine incident)

[edit] Sale of Shin Corporation

Main article: Thaksin Shinawatra $1.88 billion deal controversy

On January 23, 2006, the Shinawatra family sold their entire stake in Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings. The Shinawatra and Damapong families netted about 73 billion baht (about US$1.88 billion) tax-free from the sale, using a regulation that individuals who sell shares on the stock exchange pay no capital gains tax.<ref>"Complex transaction a model for avoiding tax, ownership law", The Nation, January 27, 2006.</ref>

The Thailand Securities and Exchange Commission investigated the transaction. "The investigation concluded that Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his daughter Pinthongta are clear from all wrongdoing," said SEC secretary-general Thirachai Phuvanatnaranubala on February 23, 2006.<ref>"Thai PM's son violated disclosure laws: SEC", Yahoo News, February 24, 2006.</ref> However, the SEC did find that Thaksin's son, Panthongtae, committed minor infractions with regard to information disclosure and public tender offers in transactions between 2000 and 2002. He was fined 6 million THB (about 150,000USD).<ref>"Panthongtae escapes with a relatively light penalty", The Nation, March 11, 2006.</ref> Allegations of insider trading by other Shinawatra family members, Shin Corporation Corp executives, and major shareholders were also investigated. No irregularities were found. In 2006, Revenue Department director-general Sirot Sawadpanish testified to the military junta Assets Examination Committee that the sale was not taxable.<ref>The Nation, Shinawatra siblings to take fight to top court, 27 November 2006</ref>

The transaction made the Prime Minister the target of accusations that he was selling an asset of national importance to a foreign entity, and hence selling out his nation. The Democrat party spokesman compared him to Saddam Hussein: "Saddam, though a brutal tyrant, still fought the superpower for the Iraqi motherland".<ref>[21]</ref>

Supporters, however, counter that Thailand's mobile phone industry is highly competitive, and that little criticism was raised when the Norwegian firm Telenor acquired the country's second largest mobile operator. There was also no criticism when Temasek-owned DBS bought a large stake in Siam Commercial Bank (majority owned by King Bhumibol Adulyadej). Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva had earlier criticized Thaksin for not sufficiently opening up the Thai telecom sector to foreigners. Democrat Party deputy leader Korn Chatikavanij noted "I have always said Shin [Corporation] was safer in Singapore hands than in Thaksin's hands".<ref>"After Thaksin", Forbes, April 24, 2006.</ref> Supporters further counter that the complete sale of Shin Corporation by the Shinawatra-Damapong families had been a long-standing demand of some public groups,<ref>"Thaksin Goes For Jugular in Libel Case", Inter Press Service News Agency (IPS), June 23, 2004.</ref> as it would allow Thaksin to undertake his duties as Prime Minister without accusation of conflicts of interest.

[edit] Anti-Thaksin and pro-Thaksin rallies

See also: Thailand political crisis 2005-2006

[edit] Background

Thaksin faced pressure to resign following the sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings.

Anti-Thaksin protestors, led by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), consisted mainly of middle-class Bangkokians. They also included prominent socialites (dubbed the "Blue Blood Jet Set" by the Bangkok Post) and members of the Thai royal family.<ref>"Social 'elite' call on King to appoint PM", Bangkok Post, March 5, 2006.</ref>

Media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul was a prominent leader of the protests. These were joined by academics, students, supporters of the controversial Santi Asoke Buddhist sect (led by Thaksin's former mentor Chamlong Srimuang) and followers of the controversial monk Luang Ta Maha Bua. State enterprise employees opposed to privatization followed, even though most EGAT employees had supported privatization in early 2005. Protestors camped out for months outside Government House.

The protests were divisive. The controversial Dharmakaya Buddhist sect came out in support of Thaksin. Massive pro-Thaksin rallies were held in Bangkok and several provinces, including a Bangkok rally where an estimated 200,000 attended.<ref>"Thaksin on warpath", The Nation, March 8, 2006.</ref>

King Bhumibol's Privy Council President asked protestors to seek a peaceful resolution to the situation.<ref>"Prem's impatient plea", The Nation, March 16, 2006.</ref> In response to Sondhi Limthongkul's "We Fight For the King" battle-cry, Supreme Commander General Ruengroj Mahasaranond said "Rivals should not involve the monarch in their quarrels".<ref>"Military Warning: A not so veiled threat for Sondhi", The Nation, November 19, 2005.</ref>

[edit] Anti-Thaksin protestors call for royal intervention

On March 24, 2006 in front of a rally of 50,000,<ref name="NationSilent">"Prem stays silent on Democrats' latest call", The Nation, March 27, 2006.</ref> Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva demanded that Thaksin resign and asked for the King Bhumibol to appoint a replacement.<ref name="NationSilent" /> The People's Alliance for Democracy's (PAD), the Law Society of Thailand, and the Press Council of Thailand also called for royal intervention.<ref>"King the only hope for end to deadlock, say PAD protesters", The Nation, March 27, 2006.</ref><ref>"Replace PM, professionals urge Palace", The Nation, March 19, 2006.</ref>

The King himself on 26 April dismissed the notion, saying that such an action would be unconstitutional. "Asking for a Royally appointed prime minister is undemocratic. It is, pardon me, a mess. It is irrational."<ref>"HM the King's April 26 speeches (unofficial translation)", The Nation, April 17, 2006.</ref>

[edit] House dissolution and the April 2006 Legislative Election

Main article: Thailand legislative election, April 2006

[edit] House dissolution

Thaksin announced a House dissolution on 24 February 2006, in a bid to end the political crisis. General elections were scheduled for 2 April. In his weekly radio address following the announcement of his decision, the prime minister promised a series of new populist measures, including an increase in the minimum wage and debt relief for farmers.<ref>"Thair premier unveils new policies", BBC, February 25, 2006.</ref> The opposition Democrat, Chart Thai and Mahachon parties announced a boycott of the election on 27 February.

Thaksin was criticized for calling the snap elections. In an editorial, The Nation noted that the election "fails to take into consideration a major fallacy of the concept [of democracy], particularly in a less-developed democracy like ours, in which the impoverished, poorly informed masses are easily manipulated by people of his ilk. And Thaksin's manipulation has been well documented.."<ref>"Democracy put to the ultimate test", The Nation, March 21, 2006.</ref>

[edit] Election results

Thaksin's TRT Party won a victory in the boycotted elections, with 462 seats in Parliament with ratio of voters to no-voters of 16-10.<ref>"Thai Rak Thai win 16 million votes: Thaksin", The Nation, October 5, 2006.</ref>

However, by-elections were needed for 40 TRT candidates (mostly from the Democrat-dominated south) who failed to win the 20% of the vote.<ref name="NationSecond">"38 one-horse candidates fail", The Nation, April 4, 2006.</ref><ref>"Second round of elections be held on April 23", The Nation, October 5, 2006.</ref> The Democrat Party refused to contest the by-elections<ref name="NationSecond" /> and, along with the People's Alliance for Democracy, petitioned the Central Administrative Court to cancel them.<ref>"Democrat asks court to cancel 2nd round of election", The Nation, October 5, 2006.</ref> Chamlong Srimuang declared that the PAD would ignore the elections and "go on rallying until Thaksin resigns and Thailand gets a royally-appointed prime minister".<ref>"PAD ignores vote results", The Nation, October 5, 2006.</ref>

[edit] By-elections

Boycotted by-elections in 40 constituencies on 25 April resulted in the TRT winning 25 of the constituencies and losing in 2 constituencies. Yet another round of by-elections on 29 April was scheduled for 13 constituencies. These by-elections were suspended by the Constitution Court while it deliberated whether or not to disqualify the elections.

[edit] Invalidation of the April elections

In a speech on 25 April, King Bhumibol urged the judiciary to find a way out of the political crisis. In 8 May 2006, the Constitutional Court ruled 8-6 to invalidate the April elections based on the awkward positioning of voting booths. The ruling was called a landmark case in judicial activism.<ref>"End of the beginning in Thailand's crisis May 19, 2006", Bangkok Post.</ref>

A new election was ordered, later set for 15 October. The Court pressured the Election Commissioners to resign. However, when they did not, the Court found them guilty of malfeance in their management of the April election and jailed them. The Democrat Party, which had boycotted the April elections, said they were now ready to contest a October election.<ref>"Constitution Court invalidate the April election and order new election", The Nation, April 8, 2006.</ref> The 15 October election was cancelled when the military seized power on 19 September.

[edit] After the April 2006 election

[edit] Thaksin proposes reconciliatory panel

On 3 April 2006, Thaksin Shinawatra appeared on television to declare victory in the 2006 election, propose a government of national unity, and proposed the creation of an independent reconciliatory commission to decide whether he should remain Prime Minister.<ref>"Thaksin's 'victory' declaration", The Nation, April 4, 2006.</ref><ref>"Thai leader claims victory", CNN, April 3, 2006.</ref> The Democrat Party and the PAD immediately rejected the reconciliation panel. "It's too late for national reconciliation," said Chamlong Srimuang.<ref>"Thai PM Thaksin says he'll step down", Channel NewsAsia, April 4, 2006.</ref>

[edit] Break from politics

After an audience with King Bhumipol, Thaksin announced on April 4, 2006 that he would not accept the post of Prime Minister after the Parliament reconvenes, but would continue as Caretaker Prime Minister until then.<ref>"Thai PM Thaksin says he'll stop down", Channel NewsAsia, April 4, 2006.</ref>

"My main reason for not accepting the post of prime minister is because this year is an auspicious year for the king, whose 60th anniversary on the throne is just 60 days away...I want all Thais to reunite," said Thaksin in a nationally televised speech.<ref>"I will not accept post of premier in the next government: Thaksin", The Nation, April 4, 2006.</ref>

He then delegated his functions to Caretaker Deputy Prime Minister Chidchai Wannasathit, moved out of Government House, and went on vacation.

Thaksin's announcement provoked mixed reactions. A Bangkok poll taken 3 weeks after Thaksin's announcement found that TRT policies were still overwhelmingly popular in Bangkok, with 54% preferring TRT policies versus 8% for the Democrats.<ref>"Bangkokians believe in courts: survey", The Nation, April 30, 2006.</ref>

However, a poll conducted in late May found that only 43% percent of Bangkokians wanted Thaksin back as premier while 57% percent believed Thaksin should not return as prime minister. But in the other 20 provinces surveyed in the same poll, 55% percent of respondents favored Thaksin's return as prime minister while 45% percent were opposed.<ref>"Poll: Doubts over 'large party", The Nation, June 11, 2006.</ref>

The Democrat Party at first welcomed the decision and promised to cooperate to resolve the political crisis. However, they continued their boycott of the April 2006 by-elections. In a celebration on 7 April, PAD leaders announced their new goal was the eradication of the "Thaksin regime".<ref>"PAD leaders swear to fight on to eradicate Thaksin regime", The Nation, October 5, 2006.</ref><ref>"Thai rally toasts Thaksin's exit", CNN, April 7, 2006.</ref> and subsequently formed the Mass Party.<ref>"New parties sprouting already", The Nation, May 17, 2006.</ref> The Law Society of Thailand filed a suit with the Supreme Administrative Court, later rejected, alleging that Thaksin's leave was illegal<ref>"Thanksin's leave illegal: lawyers", The Nation, May 16, 20006.</ref><ref>"Lawyer asks Supreme Administrative Court to accept suit against Thaksin", The Nation, June 28, 2006.</ref><ref>"Top court reaffirms ruling on PM case", The Nation, September 2, 2006.</ref>

Thaksin returned to work on 19 May 2006, in the wake of the Constitutional Court's nullification of the April elections and catastrophic flooding in the North.<ref>"Thaksin back from "leave"", The Nation, May 19, 2006.</ref> However, political tension remained high. On 22 May, Pairoj Vongvipanon, former dean of the Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University, warned Thaksin of assassination: "Thaksin must be careful or else he might be killed. Don't think that assassinations cannot occur in Thailand."<ref>(Thai) Khom Chad Luek newspaper, "Academic warns Thaksin that politics has reached boiling point. Beware of assassinations." (นักวิชาการเตือน"ทักษิณ" การเมืองระอุระวังลอบฆ่า), 22 May 2006</ref>

[edit] "Finland Plan" controversy and the "charismatic individual"

Main article: Finland Plot

On the eve of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's 60th anniversary celebrations, the Manager newspaper and website published several articles on the "Finland Plan",<ref>"ปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์ ยุทธศาสตร์ทักษิณ (Finland Plan - Thaksin's Strategy)", Manager Online, May 15, 2006.</ref><ref>"ชาติ ศาสนา พระมหากษัตริย์และ...ปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์ (Nation, Religion, the Monarchy, and .... the Finland Plan)", Manager Online, May 8, 2006.</ref><ref>"ยุทธศาสตร์ฟินแลนด์:แผนเปลี่ยนการปกครองไทย? (The Finland Strategy: A plan to change the system of Thai government?)", Manager Online, May 18, 2006.</ref><ref>"ยุทธการท้าทายอำนาจ (Strategy to challenge power)", Thailand Insider, May 19, 2006.</ref> an alleged conspiracy designed by Thaksin and other Thai Rak Thai co-founders aimed at overthrowing the King and seizing control of the country.<ref>"Thaksin clearly wanted republic, critics charge", The Nation, May 25, 2006.</ref><ref>"THAILAND: Sondhi expands on 'Finland Plan'", AsiaMedia, May 21, 2006.</ref><ref>"TRT goes on offensive over 'Finland Plan'", Bangkok Post, May 22, 2006.</ref> Evidence substantiating the existence of such a conspiracy has never been presented in public.

Democrat Party deputy secretary-general Thaworn Senniam (Thai: ถาวร เสนเนียม) commented that the Finland Plan was "obviously true".<ref>"ปชป.เชื่อปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์มีจริง จี้ ทรท.ตอบคำถามสังคม", Manager online, Unknown.</ref> In retaliation, Thaksin and the TRT sued the owner of the Manager daily Sondhi Limthongkul, its editor, a columnist and two executives for libel.<ref>"THAILAND: Manager sued for articles on 'Finland plot'", AsiaMedia, May 31, 2006.</ref> The Finland Plan accusations were strongly criticized by some in the media for baselessly inflaming hatred.<ref>"Hatred debases public discourse", The Nation, May 27, 2006.</ref>

On 29 June 2006, Thaksin noted that the political crisis was aggravated "because charismatic people and some organisations outside those sanctioned by the Constitution are trying to overthrow the government, rules and laws, Constitution and democracy."<ref>"Sondhi files complaint over PM's ouster claim", The Nation, July 4, 2006.</ref> This prompted speculation that the unnamed "charismatic individual" he was referring to was either royal Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda or King Bhumibol Adulyadej.<ref>"Group of women of royal descent calls on Thaksin to name "charismatic figure"", The Nation, July 4, 2006.</ref> Any criticism of the King is illegal and highly frowned upon by the Thai public. Thaksin refused to clarify his remarks, provoking fierce criticism.

[edit] August 2006 car bomb

On 24 August 2006, a car containing 67 kilograms of explosives was stopped near Thaksin's residence in Thonburi. Metropolitan Police Bureau Commissioner Lt-General Wiroj Jantharangsee noted that the explosives in the car were completely assembled, equipped with a remote unit sensor and ready to be detonated, and would have a blast radius of around one kilometre.<ref>The Nation, 'Bomb plot to kill Thaksin foiled', questions linger, 25 August 2006</ref> Pol Major Kamthorn Ooycharoen, head of the police bomb-disposal squad at the scene, also noted that the bomb was live and ready for detonation.<ref>The Nation, "Explosives 'live and ready for detonation'", 26 August 2006</ref> The bomb was composed of sticks TNT, M-8 military fuses, TNT, C4 plastic explosives, a remote control unit, and nine plastic containers containing ammonium nitrate fuel oil (ANFO).<ref>Bangkok Post, "A controversial figure", 25 August 2006</ref><ref>The Nation, "Explosives 'live and ready for detonation'", 26 August 2006</ref> The car was driven by Lieutenant Thawatchai Klinchana, former personal chauffeur of Pallop Pinmanee, Deputy Director of Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC). Police found that the car had left ISOC headquarters earlier that morning.<ref>The Nation, It is not a hoax : police spokesman, 25 August 2006</ref> Thawatchai was immediately arrested and Pallop was released from his position.

Pallop denied all involvement, noting that "If had wanted to do it, I would have done it more subtly...In my career, I have lead death squads. If I had wanted to kill him, the Prime Minister would not have escaped."<ref>http://nationmultimedia.com/2006/08/25/national/national_30011902.php The Nation, 'If I was behind it, PM would be dead', 25 August 2006, Retrieved 25 August 2006</ref><ref>Bangkok Post, "Thaksin escapes bomb, fires Gen Panlop", 25 August 2006</ref><ref>The Nation, "Army officer arrested in alleged car bomb attempt is Pallop's driver: police", 25 August 2006</ref> He also claimed that "the explosives were being transported, they were not assembled to be detonated."<ref>The Nation, "'If I was behind it, PM would be dead'", 25 August 2006</ref> Government critics claimed that the car bomb was a government conspiracy.<ref>The Nation, 'Car bomb' a govt ploy, ex-security chief alleges, 25 August 2006</ref> Five army officers were later arrested for their role in the plot.<ref>BBC, Thai arrests over Thaksin 'plot', 7 September 2006</ref> Three officers, including Thawatchai, were released after the military overthrew the Thaksin government.<ref>The Nation, Car-bomb suspects get bail, 30 September 2006</ref>

[edit] September 2006 Coup

Main article: 2006 Thailand coup d'état

In the evening of 19 September 2006, while Thaksin was visiting New York City, USA to attend a United Nations summit and to speak at the Council on Foreign Relations, a military junta took control of Bangkok. Inside Government House, close to 50 soldiers ordered approximately 220 policemen in the complex to lay down their weapons. Troops also surrounded the Thaicom satellite receiving station and state-run television station Channel 11. By the morning of 20 September, tanks and military vehicles armed with machine guns were stationed at Government House, the Royal Plaza and government units along Rajdamnoen Avenue.<ref>"Thai armed forces seize Bangkok", Reuters, September 19, 2006.</ref>

Troops participating in the coup were from the 1st and 3rd Army Regions, the Internal Security Operations Command, the Special Warfare Centre and Army units in Nakhon Ratchasima and Prachin Buri provinces and sections of the Navy.<ref>"Caretaker PM tries to fight back", The Nation, September 20, 2006.</ref> According to coup leader Army Commander General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the coup leaders had arrested Deputy Prime Minister Chitchai Wannasathit and Defense Minister Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya.<ref>One night in Bangkok, 19 September 2006</ref> Troops who refused to take part in the coup took mainly a neutral stance and did nothing to prevent the coup.

The military, originally calling itself the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarch (CDRM), issued a statement citing the government's alleged lèse majesté, corruption, interference with state agencies, and creation of social divisions as reasons for the coup.<ref>"Statement from the military reformist", The Nation, September 20, 2006.</ref> It declared the king of Thailand the head of state, and said elections will be held soon to return democracy to the country. Shinawatra later arrived in Britain, where he has family and are currently staying at the Dorchester Hotel in London.

[edit] Aftermath of the coup

Many Thai Rak Thai party members were reported to have resigned from the party in the aftermath of the coup. These included Somsak Thepsuthin and 100 members of the Wang Nam Yom faction. It was not clear whether Suriya Jungrungreangkit, another influential member of the faction would also resign. Sonthaya Kunplome also was reported to have led 20 members of the Chonburi faction in resigning from the party. Fear that the party would be dissolved by the junta and its members banned from politics fueled the defections.<ref>"Sonthaya leads 20 members out of Thai Rak Thai", The Nation, October 3, 2006.</ref><ref>"Somsak leads 100 members to resign from Thai Rak Thai", The Nation, October 3, 2006.</ref>

On the 2nd of October Thaksin Shinawatra and his former deputy Somkid Jatusipitak resigned from the Thai Rak Thai Party.<ref>"Thaksin resigns from Thai Rak Thai", The Nation, October 2, 2006.</ref><ref>"Somkid resigns from Thai Rak Thai Party", The Nation, October 2, 2006.</ref> Chaturon Chaisang took over as party head. Chaturon later claimed that Thaksin called him and told him that he would stop his political activities.<ref>The Nation, Thaksin vows to quit politics - Chaturon, 14 November 2006</ref>

The junta repeatedly warned Thaksin from returning to Thailand.<ref>The Nation, Thaksin advised to stay abroad for a long time, 17 October 2006</ref> Thaksin travelled to China and attempted to meet military-appointed Premier Surayud Chulanont, who was in China for the ASEAN-China Summit. However, Surayud refused to meet him.<ref>The Nation, Deposed PM's in China to meet Surayud : Gen Sonthi, 2 November 2006</ref> Surayud later denied Thaksin the opportunity to return to Thailand to contest in elections, and said that the appropriate time for him to return would be "after a year," when a newly elected government was already in place.<ref>The Nation, PM quashes Thaksin return, 13 November 2006</ref>

The junta established several bodies to investigate charges of corruption against Thaksin and members of his deposed government. As of November 2006, none of the bodies conclused their cases or found substantial evidence of corruption, despite offers of immunity for potential witnesses.<ref>Bangkok Post, Investigator seeks evidence of corruption by Thaksin govt, 5 November 2006</ref>

Thaksin was assaulted while eating at a Thai restaurant in London. A woman threw a glass at him - it was not known whether he was injured.<ref>The Nation, Compelling non-political reasons for Thaksin to stay put, 14 November 2006</ref>

[edit] Miscellaneous

In January 2006, Thaksin staged Back Stage Show: The Prime Minister, a reality show about his work on solving poverty in Amphoe At Samat, Roi Et Province. Many people and scholars commented that this show was nothing but a marketing event to boost the PM's image.^{[citation needed]} However, Thaksin claimed the show was a learning model for other government officers to follow.
Thaksin is commonly referred to by the press and his critics as "Na Liam" (Thai: หน้าเหลี่ยม - "square face") and "Maeo" (Thai: แม้ว - a derogatory term for the Hmong people).
In Chinese-language media, Thaksin's name is given either as Qiu Daxin (丘达新; pinyin: Qiū Dáxīn), or Taxin (他信). Qiu is the surname of Thaksin's great grandfather and Daxin is a transliteration of Thaksin. The Chinese Wikipedia article on Thaksin uses the name "塔信·欽那瓦", which is a direct transliteration of Thaksin's Thai name.
During his tenure as a doctoral student at Sam Houston State University between 1975-78, Thaksin was an employee of a Huntsville, TX area Burger King.^{[citation needed]}

[edit] See also

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